2010年10月24日 星期日

【外電】為什麼我們把諾貝爾獎的榮譽給劉曉波

by Tottoro 2010/10/24

【外電】為什麼我們把諾貝爾獎的榮譽給劉曉波

 

紐約時報

THORBJORN JAGLAND

20101022

 

奧斯陸訊

 

中國的當局譴責諾貝爾獎委員會選擇了劉曉波,這一位被監禁的政治活動家,作為2010年和平獎的得主,正好闡明了為什麼人權是值得捍衛。

 

當局聲稱,任何人都無權干涉中國的內政。但是他們錯了:國際人權法和標準是超越國家民族的,而且國際的社會有責任確保人權得到尊重。

 

現代的國家制度是由國家主權觀念演變而來,是確立於1648年的威斯特伐利亞和約。當時,主權是由專制的統治者所體現。

 

關於主權的思想卻隨著時間的推移而發生變化。美國的獨立宣言和法國的公民人權宣言取代了獨裁者的控制,代而起之的是人民的主權作為國家權力的來源和合法性。

 

這個主權的想法,在上個世紀隨著世界從民族主義轉移到國際主義又再一次有所改變。在兩個災難性的世界大戰後,聯合國成立了,並致力於成員國之間以和平的方法來解決爭端,明確定義了全人類的基本權利的人權宣言。根據這個聲明,民族國家將不再有最終的無止境的權力。

 

今天,普世的人權價值提供世界各地的絕對多數一個檢驗標準,無論他們是民主與否。一個佔多數的議會,不可以做出損害少數人權利的決定,也無權投票給破壞人權的法律。而即使中國的憲政不是民主,但它是一個聯合國的會員國,也已經修改了其憲法以符合世界的人權宣言。

 

但是,劉先生的監禁清楚的證明了中國的刑法是不符合它自己的憲法。他被判定的罪行是「散佈謠言、誹謗,或以其他手段來顛覆國家政權和推翻社會主義制度」。但是在以普世人權為基礎的國際社會中,消滅意見和謠言並不是一個政府的工作。各國的政府有責任確保言論自由的權利 -- 即便是發表言論者所主張的是不同的社會制度。

 

這些就是諾貝爾委員會要支持的權利,藉著和平獎來獎勵那些長期堅持保護人權的人士,其中包括了沙卡洛夫(Andrei Sakharov)在蘇聯境內為了被侵犯的人權而奮鬥,以及馬丁路德金博士在美國所爭取的民權。

 

中國的政府嚴厲批評獎諾貝爾委員會一點也不令人驚訝,它聲稱委員會非法干涉其內部事務而且在國際的眾目睽睽下羞辱它。相反的,中國應該為它自己已經強大到足以成為辯論和批評的對象的而感到自豪。

 

有趣的是,中方的政府並非唯一批評諾貝爾委員會的人。有些人說,頒獎給劉先生可能實際上會讓在中國主張人權的人士的處境更惡化。

 

但 是,這種說法是不合邏輯的:這種主張所得到的結論是,我們要促進人權最好是保持沉默。如果我們對中國保持沉默,誰將會是下一個國家去要求他們的人民保持沉 默和不被干涉的權利?這種做法將使我們趨向削弱人權宣言和人權基本原則的路徑。我們絕不能也不可以保持沉默。任何國家都沒有權利忽視其國際社會中的義務。

 

中國對自己在過去20年來的成就,絕對應該感到自豪。我們希望看到這樣的進展能夠繼續下去,而這就是為什麼我們要把和平獎頒獎給劉先生。如果中國要推進與其他國家的和諧相處,成為一個維護國際社會價值的重要合作夥伴,首先它就必須給予其所有公民自由表達的權利。

 

一個人僅僅因為他表示自己的意見就被監禁11年,這是一個悲劇。如果我們要走向諾貝爾先生所說的國家之間的友愛,那麼普世的人權就必須是我們的試金石。

 

Thorbjorn Jagland 是挪威諾貝爾委員會的委員長。



Why We Gave Liu Xiaobo a Nobel

Oslo

THE Chinese authorities’ condemnation of the Nobel committee’s selection of Liu Xiaobo, the jailed political activist, as the winner of the 2010 Peace Prize inadvertently illustrates why human rights are worth defending.

The authorities assert that no one has the right to interfere in China’s internal affairs. But they are wrong: international human rights law and standards are above the nation-state, and the world community has a duty to ensure they are respected.

The modern state system evolved from the idea of national sovereignty established by the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. At the time, sovereignty was assumed to be embodied in an autocratic ruler.

But ideas about sovereignty have changed over time. The American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen replaced the control of the autocrat with the sovereignty of the people as the source of national power and legitimacy.

The idea of sovereignty changed again during the last century, as the world moved from nationalism to internationalism. The United Nations, founded in the wake of two disastrous world wars, committed member states to resolve disputes by peaceful means and defined the fundamental rights of all people in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The nation-state, the declaration said, would no longer have ultimate, unlimited power.

Today, universal human rights provide a check on arbitrary majorities around the world, whether they are democracies or not. A majority in a parliament cannot decide to harm the rights of a minority, nor vote for laws that undermine human rights. And even though China is not a constitutional democracy, it is a member of the United Nations, and it has amended its Constitution to comply with the Declaration of Human Rights.

However, Mr. Liu’s imprisonment is clear proof that China’s criminal law is not in line with its Constitution. He was convicted of “spreading rumors or slander or any other means to subvert the state power or overthrow the socialist system.” But in a world community based on universal human rights, it is not a government’s task to stamp out opinions and rumors. Governments are obliged to ensure the right to free expression — even if the speaker advocates a different social system.

These are rights that the Nobel committee has long upheld by honoring those who struggle to protect them with the Peace Prize, including Andrei Sakharov for his struggle against human rights abuses in the Soviet Union, and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. for his fight for civil rights in the United States.

Not surprisingly, the Chinese government has harshly criticized the award, claiming that the Nobel committee unlawfully interfered with its internal affairs and humiliated it in the eyes of the international public. On the contrary, China should be proud that it has become powerful enough to be the subject of debate and criticism.

Interestingly, the Chinese government is not the only one to criticize the Nobel committee. Some people have said that giving the prize to Mr. Liu may actually worsen conditions for human-rights advocates in China.

But this argument is illogical: it leads to the conclusion that we best promote human rights by keeping quiet. If we keep quiet about China, who will be the next country to claim its right to silence and non-interference? This approach would put us on a path toward undermining the Universal Declaration and the basic tenets of human rights. We must not and cannot keep quiet. No country has a right to ignore its international obligations.

China has every reason to be proud of what it has achieved in the last 20 years. We want to see that progress continue, and that is why we awarded the Peace Prize to Mr. Liu. If China is to advance in harmony with other countries and become a key partner in upholding the values of the world community, it must first grant freedom of expression to all its citizens.

It is a tragedy that a man is being imprisoned for 11 years merely because he expressed his opinion. If we are to move toward the fraternity of nations of which Alfred Nobel spoke, then universal human rights must be our touchstone.

Thorbjorn Jagland is the chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.